Showing posts with label War. Show all posts
Showing posts with label War. Show all posts

Sunday, 8 November 2015

Islamic State Hysteria – Should we be bombing Syria?


Hysteria surrounding the threat from the Islamic State in the UK has reached fever pitch this week after they supposedly planted a bomb on a Russian plane flying over Sinai province in Egypt killing all 224 passengers on board. At the same time defence secretary Michael Fallon has pronounced it morally indefensible for the UK not to join its allies in bombing Syria and the US have officially announced 20 special operations forces on the ground in Syria. You will notice a great deal of italics in those last few sentences demarking my cynicism here! Whilst I agree with the logic that bombing Iraq and not Syria is ridiculous given the ‘Caliphate’ spans both territories I still disagree with Fallon. I find it staggering and extremely suspect how quick the UK government has been to assume an Islamic State bomb downed the Sinai plane particularly before there was any evidence to support such claims. Media sensationalism is playing straight into the hands of the opportunistic Islamic State whether they are responsible or not. Hysteria is what they want. Terror is a synonym for fear – fear is what they want. It legitimises and encourages their war. This hysteria is extremely reminiscent of the post 9/11 era: it feels as though new boundaries are being drawn and extra-ordinary action is slowly being trickled into public acceptance. Would I be surprised if we saw a boots-on-the-ground debate in the House of Commons before Christmas? Not at all.

And where does gender come into this?

As usual according to mainstream narratives it doesn’t. Appeals to the need to bomb for the sake of ‘women and children’ remain abundant in arguments for air strikes. Particularly given the atrocities committed against women and girls by the Islamic State documented in that pivotal New York Times article. What the media doesn’t focus on is how previous intervention by the Middle East in the West has actually made things worse for Muslim women because of the backlash of extremism and jihadism which promotes a hideously patriarchal version of Islam. Women serve as cultural signifiers, their oppression is the ultimate rejection of western ideals. Furthermore, as mentioned before on this blog the media seems keen to ignore the progress being made by the Kurdish Peshmerga which is made up of predominantly women and remains the only force making real progress in pushing back Islamic State. Islamic State fighters believe that should they be killed by a woman they will go to hell so they are genuinely afraid of these women in contrast to the western bombs which only emblazon their ideological vengeance and recruit more willing martyrs. This is a difficult concept for the West to come to terms with because it subverts several narratives underpinning our entire identity. The ‘brown women victims in need of saviour from barbaric brown men by noble white men’ narrative underpins the very premise of the War on Terror ideology and the Peshmerga completely turns this on its head. When they have been reported on they have been glamorised and sensationalised rather than taken seriously and understood both politically and historically.


The highly militarised, hyper-masculine environment in which these events are perceived is also crucial to understanding why bombs and boots our presented as our only options. Foreign policy and defence remain masculine domains epitomised by men like Michael Fallow where stoicism, rationalism and aggression are heavily relied upon in decision making and the agenda is set by history instead of innovation or insight. Equally, it is overly-simplistic argument to say if there were more women in foreign policy positions more diplomatic or internationalist options may be put on the table in the fights against Islamic State. Hell, Hillary Clinton would be in there all guns blazing given her past! However, fighting fire with fire (fire being militarised, hyper-masculine warfare) only seems to have made things worse in the past and whilst I don’t claim to know any of the answers sticking to the same out-dated and ignorant strategy of simply throwing bombs at the problem seems mad to me. The male, pale and stale defence departments worldwide need new ideas to fight this new threat.

Tuesday, 17 March 2015

Four Headlines from 2014 that weren't Gendered and Should Have Been: 2. ISIS's War on 'The War on Terror'


The rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and its catalysing effect on other parts of the Middle Eastern (Yemen) and Central African (Nigeria*) region dominated news headlines in 2014 and on into 2015. Gender is fundamentally entwined in to this situation. This is actually what I will be writing my undergraduate dissertation about so I will attempt to remain as concise as possible! Whether you interpret them as a barbaric by-product of two decades of gruesome western foreign policy, simply the violent warpath of brutal religious extremism or a combination of the two, it should go without saying that the catastrophic violence spreading through Iraq and Syria since last summer is having hideous consequences for both men and women. For the most part, the western media is yet to catch on that they are supplying oxygen to the Islamic State’s war on the ‘War on Terror’. Especially when it comes to women. For a brilliant article on this see Owen Jones. There is speculation that perhaps ISIS would like western intervention as it would only fuel their cause to have more members of local communities murdered by western soldiers. And arguably it would give them recognition as a state. Yet the majority of said press remains staggeringly gender blind. There is no way to look at ISIS without seeing their direct exploitation of both femininity and masculinity; it is their modus operandi and it is working.

Photo Source: http://i100.independent.co.uk/article/how-should-newspaper-front-pages-cover-isis-propaganda-videos--gJ2bKfo9Hl
Much of the original War on Terror hinged on the discourse of ‘women and children’ and employed the ‘protection myth’ to justify intervention. (Tickner & Sjoberg, 2010: 205.) This protection dichotomy assumes weak, passive women (with their children) in need of protection and strong, aggressive men ready to protect and has historically been used as a justification of war. Obama and others in the coalition are still using it today to justify air strikes in the region**. ISIS knows this. Everyday they have to think of another atrocious act they can commit to rile the West and using women and children to do so is written into the very constitution of the Islamic State. Recently there were reports of the introduction of mandatory FGM in the region, these have been denied, but given the blatant misogyny of this act it does not seem beyond ISIS’s shock tactics. Likewise, systematic and strategic rape, gendered recruitment of foreign fighters and prizing masculinity upon violence and sexual prowess are just a couple of the gendered analytics fundamental to understanding how and why ISIS have been so successful. Unfortunately sexual violence is no new phenomenon, especially not in the region. Whilst other terrorist organisations may not lop of the heads of western journalists on Youtube, militaries and insurgents have been raping women for strategic objectives throughout history: civil wars in Sierra Leone, Bosnia and DCR are just some of the extreme examples. Women, men, girls and boys bodies are being employed as the currency of the Caliphate. Systematic rape and sex trafficking of Christian, Yazidi and Kurdish women is used as psychological and physical warfare that serves to dishonour families and communities.

Foreign fighters and the spread of both ‘radical Islam’ and Islamaphobia throughout the globe is also a profoundly gendered problem. Men and women from western states, who chose to go and join ISIS, in whatever capacity, are presented vastly differently in the mainstream press. Women and girls are presented as being ‘sexually groomed’ into becoming Jihadi brides. Whilst men and boys are immediately criminalised and demonised by the press as members of Bush’s ‘axis of evil.’ Are these men not being groomed also? These discourses serve the triple purpose of removing any kind of political agency from women, employing neo-colonial/orientalist discourse about 'othered' foreign men and ‘pure’ western women and implying that men are inherently violent whilst women can only be coerced into violence by romanticised ideals. Tests of such masculinity can then be seen in ISIS’s frontline media, masculinity is not contingent or varying for ISIS. It is aggressive, misogynistic, violent and relentlessly asserted as dominance over women and other masculinities. Patriarchy is at the heart of the Islamic State but it is also just one of their strategic tactics that allows them to keep the west on puppet strings.

Paradoxically, there have been reports of a Kurdish women’s resistance movement that threatens ISIS because they believe that if they are martyred by women, they will not go to heaven. (Parramore, The AlterNet 2014) The indifference towards death is fundamental to ISIS’s recruitment policy. This could be a resolute turning point in this battle against the Islamic State and exemplifies how if diplomats and the media gave more attention to gendered dynamics, perhaps it could expose ISIL's  Achilles heal. But this would mean disrupting two racial and gendered binaries that are entrenched into both the media and the diplomatic minds of our times. Firstly, the west has always been constructed as powerful and dominating (masculine) whilst the east, particularly the middle east, is therefore constructed as its 'other' as feminised, weak and submissive in both media and academic sources. (Said, 1977.) This leaves Eastern women as the ultimate 'other', they are weak because they are eastern and they are further weak because they are women. Kurdish women fighters turn all of these ideas on their head. An engagement with this tactic would mean a fundamental overhaul of foreign policy and representations of women's political agency. It would also require significant international attention directed towards how these women will then be treated if they return to their daily lives. If these Kurdish women were mobilised, could ISIL indirectly liberate the international arena from stereotypes and binaries?


*I will be posting a separate specific blog on the gendered perspectives of Boko Haram's ascendancy in Nigeria at a later date.

**This is especially ironic in Britain where the Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition has recently cut all funding to legal aid, shelters and support for victims of sexual violence. Many will be shocked at this comparison but arguably rape is rape regardless of its spatial dynamics and part of the problem with the phrase ‘rape as a weapon of war’ as that it allows for rape to be de-sensitised in the West whilst  presented as one homogenous body of evil in war which serves as a justification for air strikes. Dichotomising rape in this way almost suggest 'acceptable rape' and 'unacceptable rape' and the underlying misogyny and racism in this analysis is undeniable. 

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